I would like to consider Felten’s revised Communications Decency Act (CDA-2) that uses tagging systems like PICS to identify indecent material. This CDA-2 could include an affirmative defense for website owners who label their websites as indecent, with language like:
It is a defense to a prosecution under this act that a person has tagged a website as indecent.
Restricting ourselves to just the Web for the moment, this system would allow concerned parents and children to configure their browsers to block indecent materials. Websites could comply at fairly low cost, and the threat of prosecution would seem to encourage indecent websites to label themselves accurately.
Superficially, this seems to skirt the constitutional problems. The CDA runs into trouble because it is a content-based restriction on speech; it is not narrowly tailored because of its vagueness and impact on protected adult speech, so the CDA cannot survive strict scrutiny. On the other hand, our CDA-2 has no effect on speech, and it is really just a truth-in-labeling law. So, the CDA-2 should pass First Amendment muster.
However, I don’t think this scheme would effectively prevent minors from accessing indecent material. If history is any guide, this would fail just as the V-chip failed for indecent television. (Haven’t heard of the V-chip? Exactly.) Parents won’t know that the technology exists, and kids will be good at circumventing it. While the threat of prosecution in CDA-2 will perhaps keep the tagging more accurate (or at least more conservative), we shouldn’t deceive ourselves that any voluntary filter can keep kids from accessing indecent material.
The other flaw is that this tagging scheme suffers from the undefined term “indecent,” just like the original CDA. The ACLU argued that the CDA’s vagueness violates the due process clause of the Fifth Amendment as well as the free speech guarantees of the First Amendment, but the Supreme Court accepted the ACLU’s free speech argument without considering the due process argument. While our CDA-2 escapes a First Amendment challenge, its vagueness would undoubtedly be challenged on Fifth Amendment grounds. This vagueness gives CDA-2 a chilling power on free speech despite its First Amendment constitutionality. Speech that could be considered indecent in the absence of any definition (e.g., contraception, STDs, abortion) yet very useful for teens would likely be labeled as indecent because of a fear of prosecution under this vague statute. Moreover, the risk of criminal prosecution would strongly encourage webmasters to err on the side of caution and label any questionable material as “indecent.” Thus, the ambiguity in the statute and the high cost of error would yield real chilling effects.
On a deeper level, these chilling effects expose important questions about the relationship between minors and the First Amendment, and whether we should permit more restriction on speech with minors than speech between adults. Historically, we have not given as much importance to speech with minors, recognizing a compelling governmental interest thath “children be both safeguarded from abuses and given opportunities for growth into free and independent well-developed men and citizens” (Prince v. Massachusetts). In particular, we have recognized “parents’ claim to authority in their own household to direct the rearing of their children,” and restricting speech to minors is supposed to serve that end. Is this really legitimate? If we recognize the power of free speech to upset and thereby improve our society as adults, can we justify restricting free speech for minors? If we recognize that parents should be able to direct the rearing of their children, should we forbid proselytizing to minors? We should consider these questions thoroughly before automatically assuming that First Amendment protection shouldn’t apply to minors in full and before seeking legislation like the CDA.
We speculated in class about how the billion-dollar pornography industry can exist in light of Section 1465. According to this analysis, Section 1465 is pretty much just “dead letter,” unconstitutional, and unenforceable:
Section 1465 of title 18, United States Code, [reads]
Whoever knowingly transports or travels in, or uses a facility or means of, interstate or foreign commerce or an interactive computer service (as defined in section 230(e)(2) of the Communications Act of 1934) in or affecting such commerce for the purpose of sale or distribution of any obscene, lewd, lascivious, or filthy book, pamphlet, picture, film, paper, letter, writing, print, silhouette, drawing, figure, image, cast, phonograph recording, electrical transcription or other article capable of producing sound or any other matter of indecent or immoral character, shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than five years, or both.
The transportation as aforesaid of two or more copies of any publication or two or more of any article of the character described above, or a combined total of five such publications and articles, shall create a presumption that such publications or articles are intended for sale or distribution, but such presumption shall be rebuttable.
First of all, I must say that all of this is blatantly unconstitutional, except as narrowly applied to “obscene” material. Many supreme court rulings make this abundantly clear. Apparently this entire law (Title 18 U.S. Code Sections 1464 and 1465), except as narrowly applied to obscene material, is considered “dead letter”. That is to say, it hasn’t been specifically struck down by the Supreme Court, but it is widely known to be unconstitutional and so it is not enforced.