Obscenity Laws
Tuesday, April 26th, 2005 by Nitin WaliaEric, Lauren and Jeff all make very effective criticisms of the community-based test for obscenity as defined by the law. I agree with their positions, but I would like to take a more general look at the existence of obscenity and indecency laws, and consider their actual usefulness and justifiability. In general, I tend to view these laws as fallacious and unnecessarily invasive.
One of the main reasons that section 223(a) of the CDA was ruled unconstitutional is because indecent speech enjoys some first amendment protection and the statute is viewed as being too broadly restrictive of this right due to the nature of the Internet. I would counter, however, that on a fundamental level, this rule is unfair even with respect to obscene material. If I use a “telecommunications device knowingly” to “initiate the transmission of any comment, request, suggestion, proposal, image or other communication which is obscene,” I should NOT necessarily be held criminally liable. If I am, for example, choosing to send something obscene to a consenting recipient and there are no affected third parties, what place should the law have in telling me I’m not allowed to do so. This seems like an egregious invasion on personal rights on the part of the government and serves no obvious functional utility.
In class this week, many dismissed this and similar arguments by acknowledging (rightfully) that obscene speech does not enjoy first amendment protection. Granted, this may be true, but this statement alone hardly seems to provide any normative justification. Laws exist so that members of a society can coexist in a way that no member is unduly bothered by another. If a subset of the society, however, wants to behave a certain way, they should be allowed to do so, provided it does not interfere with the rights of the rest. Public obscenity and public indecency laws, for example, are more ethically palatable. Obscene speech or action that occurs in a public space necessarily affects third parties who do not have the ability to consent or decline consent to being passive participants. In this case, there is a clear societal benefit to making obscene conduct illegal- it invades the rights of most members of the society, who agree that this is something ‘obscene’ (whatever the definition may be). In cases, however, where the only affected people are the willing participants who actively consent to taking part, prohibitions on obscenity are unfair, unnecessary and no more justifiable than prohibitions on indecency.
This division becomes less clear on the Internet. In the case of solicited e-mail and private sites, it seems pretty clear to me that anybody accessing the material is a willing participant and that the content should be ungoverned by obscenity laws. The case with public websites, however, is less obvious. Theoretically, such a website still requires a request from the client, which suggests some sort of active seeking out of the material. Realistically, however, the linked nature of the Internet means that effectively people are often exposed to sites inadvertently or mistakenly, without prior intention. Since this is quasi-public, I think there is a stronger case to be made for policing obscenity available openly on the world wide web.
On a very fundamental level, however, I think that to the extent that it is free of third-party effects, a government has no business telling an individual that certain acts or speech are not allowed because they are deemed obscene by some collective conscience.